Notas
Catalina González Zambrano, “Música, identidad y muerte entre los grupos negros del Pacífico sur colombiano”, La Colección de Babel, 27, abril 2003, pp. 32.
Archivo General de la Nación (AGN), 1837, Sección República (SR), Fondo Gobernaciones Varias (FGV), l. 50, f. 487v.
Vincent Brown, The Reaper’s Garden: Death and Power in the World of Atlantic Slavery, Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 2008, p. 5.
Notaría Primera de Quibdó (NPQ), 1831: 88r-v. There is another promissory note that year from September 15 increasing the debt, and including one more slave named Pedro in the mortgage. Ortiz was previously indebted to Bonoli in 1829, see NPQ, 1829: 59v.
NPQ, 1835: 113v. This sale included Justo, Pedro, Agustina, and Maria de Jesus for the amount of 900 pesos. Given the previous promissory notes, it’s likely that Ortiz gave Bonoli the slaves because he could not pay off his debt.
Other relatives included Justo’s uncle Aniceso and his wife, and Joaquin Palomeque, who were present during the wake and who joined his grandmother, Petrona Mena or Petrona Cordova (alias Pitico), in speaking to several judges and officials throughout the city, demanding the exhumation of Justo’s body. See Archivo Central del Cauca (ACC), 1837, República JI 3cr 84, 66r-v, 115v. Aniceso’s (or Aniesto) name is found in the inventory of the Royal Gold Mines of San José de Murri in 1831, physically described as “useless” and 27 years old, along with an enslaved woman named Petrona, who may be Justo’s grandmother, with no economic value listed, reflecting her poor health, and 39 years old. See NPQ, 1831: 2r. Joaquin Palomeque and his wife purchased their freedom papers together in 1831, meaning they were free blacks at the time of Justo’s death. See NPQ, 1831: 84v-85r. These relatives reflect the extensive family networks that Justo could rely on.
William Sharp, Slavery on the Spanish Frontier: The Colombian Chocó, 1680-1810, Norman, University of Oklahoma Press, 1967, p. 199.
AGN, 1833, SR, FGV, l. 37, f. 841r.
AGN, 1838, SR, FGV, l. 56, f. 286r.
AGN, 1837, SR, FGV, l. 50, f. 655r-v.
ACC, 1837, República JI 3cr 84, 69r-v.
ACC, 1837, República JI 3cr 84, 67r, 115v.
Ibid., 48v, 66r-v.
Ibid., 90v.
Ibid., 8v, 120v.
NPQ, 1831: 2r. However, a note of sale from 1835 states that Bonoli purchased an enslaved woman named Petrona for 200 patacones, see NPQ, 1835: 102v-103r. This could have been Justo’s grandmother, but likely not given that Cordova was never referred to as a “slave” in the lawsuit (which would be necessary for the proceedings), and the fact that an older enslaved woman would not normally be purchased for that amount, a high economic value.
ACC, 1837, República JI 3cr 84, 67r, 115v.
Ibid., 120v.
Ibid., 2v.
Joseph Hilgers, “Novena”. In The Catholic Encyclopedia, New York, Robert Appleton Company, 1911, Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos, BAC – Biblioteca de Autores del Centro, 2015, [online], uploaded in 2012, consulted on September 10, 2014, URL: http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/11141b.htm; Kenneth G. Davis, “Dead Reckoning or Reckoning with the Dead: Hispanic Catholic Funeral Customs”, Liturgy, 21, 2006, 1, p. 21-27.
González Zambrano, “Música, identidad y muerte”, p. 33.
Anne Marie Losonczy, “El luto de sí mismo: cuerpo sombra y muerte entre los negro-colombianos del Chocó”, América Negra, 2, 1991, p. 49.
José Fernando Serrano Amaya, “‘Hemo de mori cantando, porque llorando naci’. Ritos fúnebres como forma de cimarronaje”. In Geografía humana de Colombia: los Afrocolombianos, Tomo VI, Bogotá, Instituto Colombiano de Cultura Hispánica, 2000, Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos, BAC – Biblioteca de Autores del Centro, 2015, [online], consulted on September 10, 2014. URL: http://www.banrepcultural.org/blaavirtual/geografia/afro/hemodemo#1.
Ibid.
González Zambrano, “Música, identidad y muerte”, 27.
Serrano Amaya, “‘Hemo de mori cantando, porque llorando naci’”.
Ibid.
González Zambrano, “Música, identidad y muerte”, 21; Sharp, Slavery on the Spanish Frontier; Orián Jiménez, El Chocó, un paraíso del demonio: Nóvita, Citará y el Baudó, siglo XVIII, Medellín, Editorial Universidad de Antioquia-Universidad Nacional de Colombia-Sede Medellín, 2004.
María Cristina Navarrete, Prácticas religiosas de los negros en la colonia: Cartagena, siglo XVII, Santiago de Cali, Universidad del Valle, 1995, pp. 91. For more on this practice of nighttime slave burials in North America, see Betty Wood, Slavery in Colonial America, 1619-1776, Lanham, Maryland, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2005, p. 50.
Serrano Amaya, “‘Hemo de mori cantando, porque llorando naci’”.
Brown, The Reaper’s Garden, p. 6.
As Louise Tilly argues, “If politics is conceived at the formal level and at the center of the nation state, women enter the political arena only when they are demanding rights in that arena, and then act in it. This largely leaves women out of politics. Politics must be reconceptualized so we can talk about the politics of those without formal rights. Using new categories or definitions is not willful obfuscation or blithe innovation: it comes out of a serious effort at conceptualization.” See “Social History and Its Critics”, Theory and Society 9.5, Sep. 1980, pp. 668-670. Also see Ranajit Guha, Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1983; James Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1990; Stephanie M. H. Camp, Closer to Freedom: Enslaved Women and Everyday Resistance in the Plantation South, Chapel Hill, The University of North Carolina Press, 2004.
Vincent Brown, “Spiritual Terror and Sacred Authority in Jamaican Slave Society”, Slavery and Abolition, 24, 2003, 1, p. 24-53.
Pamela Voekel, Alone Before God: The Religious Origins of Modernity Mexico, Durham, Duke University Press, 2002; João José Reis, Death is a Festival: Funeral Rites and Rebellion in Nineteenth-Century Brazil, Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press, 2003; Mercedes Granjel, Antonio Carreras Panchón, “Extremadura y el debate sobre la creación de cementerios: un problema de salud pública en la Ilustración”, Norba. Revista de Historia, 17, 2004, pp. 69-91; José E. Serrano Catzim, Jorge I. Castillo Canché, “La reforma de los cementerios y el conflicto civil-eclesiástico por su administración: Yucatán, 1787-1825”, Ketzalcalli, 2, 2006, pp. 68-80; Diego A. Bernal Botero, “La Real Cédula de Carlos III y la construcción de los primeros cementerios en el Virreinato del Nuevo Reino de Granada (1786-1808),” Masters Thesis, Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Medellín, 2013.
El Indígena Chocoano, 10 Feb. 1835, no. 35, Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango, Bogotá.
Ibid.
AGN, 1838, SR, FGV, l. 56, f. 94v.
Rogerio Velásquez, “Ritos de la muerte en el alto y bajo Chocó”, Revista Colombiana del Folclor, 2, 1961, 6, p. 9-76.
Reis, Death is a Festival.
ACC, 1837, República JI 3cr 84, 93v.
Ibid., 2v, 8v, 40v.
Pastor Restrepo Lince, Genealogía de Cartagena de Indias, Bogotá, Instituto Colombiano de Cultura, 1993, pp. 88.
ACC, 1837, República JI 3cr 84, 2r. For more on Atlantic travelers and the winding pull of revolutionary Colombia during the Wars of Independence, see Edgardo Pérez Morales, “Itineraries of Freedom: Revolutionary Travels and Slave Emancipation in Colombia and the Greater Caribbean, 1789-1830”, Doctoral Dissertation, University of Michigan, 2013.
Gaceta de Colombia (Bogotá), 31 Oct. 1829, no. 156, Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango, Bogotá.
NPQ, 1828: 106v. For just a sampling of these many debts, see NPQ, 1829: 24r; NPQ, 1830: 99r-v; NPQ, 1832: 19v; NPQ, 1837: 8r-v; NPQ, 1843: 23r-v.
For a sampling of his activities in the local slave trade, see NPQ, 1830: 136r; NPQ, 1830: 188v; NPQ, 1832: 138r; NPQ, 1835: 120v. According to the notarial records, Bonoli never sold a slave, but merely purchased slaves. Concerning his saber and wine business, see NPQ, 1829: 49r; ACC, 1837, República JI 3cr 84, 24r-v.
NPQ, 1830: 43r; NPQ, 1830: 179v; NPQ, 1842: 109r.
For more on Key, see Charles Stuart Cochrane, Journal of a Residence and Travels in Colombia During The Years 1823 and 1824, Volume II, London, Henry Colburn, New Burlington Street, 1825, pp. 438-439; Sergio Mosquera, De esclavizadores y esclavizados en la provincia de Citará: ensayo etno-histórico, siglo XIX, Chocó, Colombia, Promotora Editorial de Autores Chocoanos, 1991, pp. 93. Key formed a gold mining company along with a Frenchman named Guillermo Eduardo Coutín, who was charged with “overthrowing the public order as an enemy of the republic with the blacks” in the 1820s. See ACC, 1827, Independencia, JI-3cr 2948, 107r.
NPQ, 1833: 45v-46v.
NPQ, 1832: 19r-v; NPQ, 1833: 52r. Carlos Ferrer was the son of Don Carlos Ferrer y Xiques, a wealthy Spanish merchant who set up a trading company, sending goods from Castille to the Provinces of Chocó, and was active in the trading networks along Cartagena and Jamaica, see NPQ, 1810: 101v-103v; NPQ, 1815: 414r-v. Don Ferrer y Xiques left Chocó in 1815 to fight for the royalists in Cartagena, returning to the province by 1818.
El Indígena Chocoano, 30 Jan. 1835, no. 34, Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango, Bogotá.
ACC, 1837, República JI 3cr 84, 112v.
David Bushnell, Colombia: The Making of Modern Colombia, A Nation in Spite of Itself, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1993, pp. 91, 98; Victor Uribe-Urán, Honorable Lives: Lawyers, Families, and Politics in Colombia, 1780-1850, Pittsburgh, University of Pittsburgh Press, 2000, pp. 118-119; James Sanders, Contentious Republicans: Popular Politics, Race, and Class in Nineteenth-Century Colombia, Durham, Duke University Press, 2004, pp. 19; Álvaro Pone Muriel, La rebelión de las provincias: relatos sobre la Revolución de los Conventillos y la Guerra de los Supremos, Bogotá, Colombia, Intermedio, 2003; Luis Ervin Prado Arellano, Rebeliones en la provincia: la guerra de los supremos en las provincias suroccidentales y nororientales granadinas, Cali, Universidad del Valle, 2007; Fernán González, “La Guerra de los Supremos (1839-1841) y los orígenes del bipartidismo,” Boletín de Historia y Antigüedades 97, Enero-Mayo 2001, 848, pp. 5-63; Rigoberto Rueda Santos, “Federalismo y formación estatal en los antecedentes de la Revolución de la Costa. La Provincia de Santa Marta entre 1830 y 1842”, Fronteras de la historia, 13, Enero-Junio 2008, 1, p. 163-194.
AGN, 1841, SR, FGV, l. 73, f. 108r-109v.
Ibid., f. 69r-v.
Ibid., 69v.
AGN, 1842, SR, FGV, l. 78, f. 839r.
Ibid., f. 842v.
After the rebellion, many family members of the accused, especially those of the elite or with social connections, submitted clemency petitions to Bogotá to pardon their sons, husbands, and brothers, some who were condemned to years of forced labor or banishment. To see Carlos Ferer’s petition on behalf of José Henrique Isaacs, see AGN, 1842, SR, FGV, l. 73, f. 101r-v.
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